Northern Nigeria is known for its sense of togetherness, and while it could be said that you have made progress in securing Bauchi, other parts of Northern Nigeria are facing significant security challenges. The region seems disoriented – we can’t feed ourselves, we have high unemployment, and it’s becoming a time bomb for the country. As a member of the Northern Governors’ Forum, what are you doing to address these challenges?
The situation is even more complex than you’ve described it. Northern Nigeria is, in many ways, an ungoverned space within the Nigerian Federation. We haven’t adequately addressed our unique problems as a region. The North has been heavily patronised by the federal government, especially with many of the country’s leaders coming from this region. As a result, we seem to have become complacent.
We’ve neglected critical issues like education and the development of the right mindset. There’s a significant trust deficit between the political class and the people, leading to widespread mistrust. Religious bodies have also criticised governance structures, and enforcement mechanisms are weak. This has created a negative perception and attitude towards leadership in the region.
The North has all the resources to be self-sufficient. In Bauchi, we have solid minerals, oil and gas, fertile land, and a capable workforce. There’s no reason for us to rely on the federal government. We should aim for financial independence to shed off the image of being dependent on federation allocations.
Wike’s ‘palliative’ unsettles Sokoto PDP
I don’t own a house in Abuja — Mohammed Abba Gana (former Minister, FCT)
In Bauchi, for example, we are working on irrigation schemes to support year-round farming. A young man from Borno is helping us develop this initiative, and we aim to extend it across the state so that even small-scale farmers can benefit.
As northern governors, we’re collaborating with the Chairman of the Northern Governors’ Forum, the Governor of Gombe (State), to create policies that foster cooperation and development across the region. Peer review mechanisms are being put in place to assess our efforts.
In Bauchi, I focus on stakeholder engagements and supervision. It’s crucial to stay connected with the people we govern; to listen to their problems, and respond quickly. Supervision is key to ensuring plans are executed properly.
We are also strengthening our relationship with traditional leaders, like the emirs and district heads, by ensuring they receive the allowances guaranteed to them by Northern Nigerian law. We’ve also been renovating their palaces, not just for practical reasons, but to show respect and reinforce their authority. Making these leaders financially independent ensures they remain accountable and loyal to the people, reducing the temptation to engage in corrupt practices, like selling land or cooperating with bandits.
In terms of security, we work closely with the police, military, and civil defence. We ensure that all security measures are in line with established protocols to avoid arbitrary enforcement and extrajudicial killings. Security is the foundation for development-without it, no one will invest or move in the region.
The Chinese ambassador recently spent three days with us and was impressed with our efforts. As a result, we’ve established a partnership with the Shandong Province to bring technological innovations to Bauchi.
However, we need more support from the federal government, especially in terms of technology, like drones. We can’t fight banditry blindly. Thankfully, many Northern governors-like those in Borno, Adamawa, Sokoto, and Katsina- are making significant progress in securing their states.
This is not about partisan politics but about ensuring good governance. We’re also working with groups like the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) and the Northern Elders Forum (NEF) to improve governance across the region.
You mentioned publicly that some of the reforms being implemented by the Tinubu administration are indirectly campaigning for the PDP. People might wonder why you are not using the National Economic Council (NEC), a powerful body of governors, to address such concerns?
The NEC is an advisory body headed by the Vice President. As governors, we can express our views, but often we feel frustrated. What I said wasn’t meant to insult President Tinubu. I respect him greatly—he has mentored many people across Nigeria, regardless of state or religion. I had high hopes that when he becomes president he will bring the same magic he brought to Lagos. But I was mistaken. Perhaps he’s overwhelmed or resistant to advice.
When I said his policies aren’t working, I was speaking as an opposition member. We can’t be expected to support him blindly as his party members do. In fact, I’ve shown considerable restraint, as a statesman, by not saying things that could ignite a national crisis. But there are serious issues in his administration-within the oil and gas sector, the lack of real action on insecurity, the surface-level economic policies, the handling of labour issues, and their overall approach to governance.
The government’s economic policies, particularly around fuel and the welfare of the people, are not working. I’m saying this modestly-our monetary policies are failing. President Tinubu needs to bring in capable people to work with him, not me specifically, but experts from across the country. Nigerians are suffering from hunger and anger, and good governance means managing people’s aspirations and minimising discomfort.
If the removal of fuel subsidy was supposed to help, we’re not seeing that. What we need are policies that actually put food on the table. Even if we pay the minimum wage, it’s not enough to bring relief. That’s why I called for a review. And maybe he’s trying to review things, but the continued rise in fuel prices suggests otherwise. How can workers afford to commute? How can people buy basic goods like a bag of maize?
President Tinubu needs to show empathy and apply the same skills he used in Lagos on a national level. He had a strong team before-like former Vice President (Yemi) Osinbajo and former Minister (Kayode) Fayemi-where are they now? He should bring back knowledgeable people, not just those who say “ranka dede” (blind praise). That’s what I’m advocating.
Many still believe that since 1999, governors have amassed a lot of power. How powerful do you believe governors are viz-a-viz the delivery of democratic dividends?
How powerful is the President of Nigeria? Governors are significantly less powerful. We operate within a federation, similar to the American system we borrowed. Governors are chief executives in their states, but our powers have been reduced by President Tinubu. Unlike our predecessors, we’re not exerting the same pressure on the presidency.
For example, when Tinubu was governor, he created local governments and had full control. Now, he tells us not to interfere or collaborate with local governments-how is that possible? States cannot function effectively without coordination with both the local government and the presidency. The majority of Nigerians live in local governments and states, and only Abuja is directly under the presidency. Without joint efforts and shared resources, how do we ensure security and good governance?
People overestimate the power of governors. The federal government controls the resources. It takes the largest share and do what they want with it, while we stay silent. They argue that giving states more money would cause inflation, yet they award inflated contracts. For instance, we need railways, not more roads, but contracts are awarded for unnecessary projects.
Governors are not as powerful as people think. If you become a governor, you’d realise it’s more about challenges than power. You have limited resources, and everyone looks to you for solutions, especially in smaller states like ours, with no manufacturing base. We respect the president, but he should also respect us and not blackmail us.
Some people say governors have received more money due to the subsidy removal but the impact has not been felt by the masses in the states.
Yes, we’re getting more money; but it’s worthless due to devaluation. Under Buhari, I received N5-7 billion and only needed N4-5 billion to pay salaries. Now, I’m getting N11-15 billion, but it’s been devalued 500 times. It can’t cover the contracts I’ve awarded.
Governance isn’t just about overheads, there must be capital projects. We’re raising our Internally Generated Revenue (IGR), but that’s not enough. When you raise IGR, it impacts the common man. In Bauchi, we’re cautious about exploiting new revenue streams because it would burden small businesses. The money we’re getting now is devalued-compare it yourself. During Buhari’s time, the dollar was N400; now it’s N1,600-N1,700.
The federal government retains most of the money, and this increased liquidity contributes to inflation.
Sixteen states have gone to the Supreme Court to challenge the law establishing the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Why is Bauchi not one of them?
We’re already in court establishing our own anti-corruption agency. I support the states that have taken the case to the Supreme Court, as excessive discretion by the federal government shouldn’t be allowed. The EFCC has become a tool for the federal government to target opponents while protecting allies. I pity the EFCC operatives-they’re under pressure.
It’s in everyone’s best interest for the EFCC to focus on federal issues and allow states to handle their own anti-corruption efforts. The resources recovered by the EFCC under previous administrations-where are they? Some high-ranking federal officials bought those recovered assets. None of the money came to the states or the federation account.
We should be allowed to recover our resources and use them in our states. It’s unfair for the federal government to pursue us after sharing money they haven’t accounted for themselves.
Let’s talk about the PDP. As the chair of the PDP Governors’ Forum, we’d like to understand the current crisis in the party from your perspective. While you’ve said there’s no faction within the National Working Committee (NWC), it appears the party is becoming polarised. What’s the real situation?
As Chairman of the Governors’ Forum, I need to exercise caution when discussing internal matters. Party politics should not be played out in the media. However, I can assure you that the governors are united, despite dissenting views. It’s unrealistic to expect 13 governors to always agree on everything. There are personal loyalties and relationships that can impact unity, but we are together in our resolve to move forward.
We must also be mindful of the federal government, which seems determined to get its way. You can see this in the way they handle financial matters and their treatment of labour. This isn’t just a problem for the PDP; they’ve also penetrated other parties like the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) and the Labour Party (LP) in an attempt to create a one-party state. They have resources on their side, but bad governance will ultimately give us an advantage.
Regarding the issue with Ambassador (Umar Iliya) Damagum and the NWC, we’ve resolved it. He spoke with me, and while we may disagree on constitutional matters, we are aligned on the need for unity. Constitutionally, if a vacancy arises, it must be filled from the region where it occurred. When Bamanga Tukur left, Ahmed Mu’azu from the North East became the chairman, and we fought to maintain that position when it was challenged. The law must be applied consistently.
But one of your colleagues said the PDP Constitution zones the position to Northern Nigeria as a whole, not specifically to the North Central. Is that correct?
No, that’s not accurate. The position was micro-zoned to the North Central. The Deputy National Chairman was micro-zoned to the North East, and the National Organising Secretary to the North West. That’s how the zoning works.
Some argue that the constitution only provides for regional zoning, not micro-zoning.
The constitution does respect regional zoning, but we’ve also had instances where micro-zoning has been applied. For example, we benefited from this in the North East when we reclaimed the chairmanship after Mu’azu stepped down. If the party and the Northern region agree that Ambassador Damagum should continue, then I’m open to that compromise. I am committed to upholding the constitution. But we won’t let detractors exploit this situation.
Some worry that the crisis is multi-pronged, and question whether the PDP can resolve it quickly.
I’m confident we will. I’ve spoken to both sides, and while some people are stirring trouble, it’s important to ask who’s behind it: The answer is Tinubu and Wike.
But we haven’t seen evidence of Tinubu’s involvement.
Tinubu is backing Wike, who remains in the PDP while also aligning with the APC. It’s an unusual situation; but that’s the reality.
But Wike mentioned that he wrote to the party seeking endorsement, which included your support. Is that true?
No, no. That’s not how things work. In line with natural justice, you can only belong to one place. You can’t be part of two opposing sides at the same time. Wike is a friend, and I’ve told him this directly, and I’m not afraid to say it publicly.
The media is also partly responsible, as you seem to endorse these unimaginable scenarios. You can’t allow someone to act as a leader in a party he openly said he won’t support, especially for the 2027 elections. Why hasn’t this been questioned?
I don’t have anything personal against Wike. I would have supported him if he showed loyalty to the party. But he’s made it clear that he won’t. So, we can’t just stand by and let him do as he pleases, particularly when we are building towards 2027. Some party members believe that the current NWC under Ambassador Damagum is leaning towards Wike, and that’s part of the issue. Once Wike said he wouldn’t support the PDP in 2027, he created a problem. We’re focused on reclaiming power in 2027, and any disloyalty is unacceptable.
But in a recent interview, the FCT minister highlighted your attendance at an event hosted by a PDP governor in Rivers, where non-PDP members were sworn in as an anti-party activity. Can you explain your participation?
Yes, I attended in support of the Governor of Rivers, who is the Vice Chairman of our Governors’ Forum and remains a committed PDP member. He has never strayed from the party or expressed disloyalty. The issue arose when some believed the party’s structure was being handed over to Wike, who has openly declared his disloyalty.
Governor (Siminalayi) Fubara of Rivers is in a difficult position. He’s a PDP governor without control over the party’s structure in his state. Imagine being a governor in Oyo State but not having authority over your own party-what would you do?
Fubara had to hold local government elections as mandated by the federal government, following a Supreme Court judgement. You should commend him for upholding democratic principle. It’s unfair to expect him to give control to someone who isn’t loyal to the party.
The media should stop compromising and ask the right questions. I have nothing against Wike, but he should be fair and just. We need to respect the natural laws of justice and create political space where everyone can participate fairly. The current impunity and indiscipline is unacceptable.
People wonder why, given the power of the governors and your role as a BoT member, you haven’t taken stronger action against Wike if he’s seen as a threat to the party. Why not suspend him?
You can’t suspend him without the involvement of the NWC. We are influential as governors, but the BoT is only an advisory body, not a decision-making one. That’s why we are working on resolving this issue, not because we are against Wike. If Wike had officially joined the APC, I would still support his return to the PDP because he’s a friend. After all, many others have left the PDP and returned to hold significant positions.
Are you confident that even if the PDP resolves this crisis it can take power from the APC in 2027?
What’s left of the APC? Do you think they don’t have their own internal problems? They’re just lucky to have a president. They are divided across states and local governments, with little respect for party structure.
If you believe the APC is problem-free, you’re mistaken. Every major party has its issues, but the APC has deliberately caused problems in the Labour Party and the NNPP. They’re already facing their own “cancer.” We in the PDP are the last to face this kind of crisis, but we will emerge from it stronger. I believe that the PDP will remove those acting as “undertakers” for our party and move forward by the grace of God.
Some believe your presidential ambition is a factor in this crisis. How do you respond to that? And secondly, why do you want to become president?
I haven’t told anyone I want to run for president now. In 2022/2023 I presented myself as a presidential aspirant but didn’t get the nomination. Perhaps that’s why some people still associate me with that ambition.
But what have I done to cause problems aside from navigating within the Governors’ Forum? It’s a forum of equals, much like the Senate or House of Reps-you don’t make decisions alone, but you do take responsibility. My ambition in 2023 should not be confused with my current focus. Right now, my priority is to see the PDP strong and cohesive, capable of producing a presidential candidate who can win Nigerians’ confidence. It doesn’t have to be me-it could be anyone with the vision, energy and national outlook to win.
Of course, if the time comes and I decide to run, no one will stop me. But for now, I’m focused on my work. Many young people and organisations are encouraging various individuals to run, not just me. So, why focus on me? I haven’t responded to any of them. Even when a group came to my council urging me to run, I told them I couldn’t unless one of my political mentors (former President Goodluck Jonathan) steps aside, just as I said in 2023. I’m not arrogant; I’m willing to work as part of a team.
The presidency is about consensus. No one should think they’re bigger than others. If you can harmonise our vision and lead with collaboration, you can become president. But when people start thinking they’re superior to governors or others, they’ve missed the mark. I’m not bigger than anyone-every PDP governor, even some outside the party, may be more qualified to be president. If they don’t step up that’s their choice. But if I decide to run, with the support of my people in Bauchi and across the country, I won’t fear anyone.
So, will you decide to run?
No, I haven’t decided. But if I do, I’ll let you know because you’re with one of the biggest media organisations. For now, I haven’t made any decision.
Another angle to this crisis involves former Vice President Atiku Abubakar. What’s your relationship with him in this situation?
Well, Atiku is our leader, and he has shown remarkable maturity. Since this issue began, have you heard Atiku’s voice in it? He’s stayed quiet.
But could he be working behind the scenes?
Behind-the-scenes politics is normal. Haven’t I also been working behind the scenes? What I say publicly is only about 10% of what I’m doing behind the scenes, and that’s how it is for most of us. Even in boardrooms, there’s always politics. Take, for instance, how someone becomes chairman of a board-there’s always some behind-the-scenes manoeuvring.
Initially, I sympathised with Wike because he was hurt by Atiku’s candidacy. Remember during the primaries? Wike had supported others before. If he had told me he was running, I wouldn’t have ran. I believed in him as a friend because he contributed so much to the PDP’s development. But things changed. When I saw how hurt he was, I felt for him. Some of our governors even withdrew to pave the way for Atiku, but I didn’t. I didn’t want the ticket to become a northern affair.
Why didn’t you withdraw for Wike at that stage?
Because I’m a nationalist. I don’t represent just the North or the South-I represent the entire country. I was approached by [former PDP Chairman, Dr. Iyorchia) Ayu to withdraw for Atiku, but I refused. Why should I withdraw after getting so far? If I were to step aside, it wouldn’t be for Atiku. I even told Atiku, “Leave it for me, as your younger brother-I’ll do it for you.”
We worked together closely (with Wike). Remember, he hosted me in Port Harcourt, and I also hosted him (in Bauchi). We both lost during the primaries, and I encouraged Wike to work with us. He agreed, and Atiku even set up a committee to choose a vice-presidential candidate. Everyone-the governors, the NWC, and all the stakeholders-recommended Wike. But Atiku refused; which hurt us deeply.
Did Atiku give you any reasons for this?
No! There were no reasons; just insults. That’s why I pitied Wike. He was humiliated at the primaries, and then this happened. We expected him to make a significant contribution to the party, but it didn’t happen, which led to the formation of the G5. There’s a lot of under-current within that group.
So, while I sympathised with Wike initially, I believe our elder brother, Atiku, was wrong in how he handled the situation. But to his credit, Atiku has remained statesmanlike, staying quiet and not imposing himself. That’s why I respect him. I believe Wike should also respect himself-he’s a skilled politician. Politics is about live and let live. It’s an opportunity for everyone, and we should allow space for others to rise.
Some have nicknamed you “Mr Bulldozer” or “Mr Infrastructure” because of the infrastructural projects you have embarked on. Are there any particular projects that are especially important to you but haven’t yet been realised, which you hope to accomplish in the next three years?
We have indeed made significant strides in infrastructure. In fact, even the federal government and its agencies have recognised our modest contributions, which have helped reduce the infrastructure gap in the state.
But as you asked, what are the projects I haven’t completed that I still wish to accomplish before my tenure ends? You may be interested to know that we are guided by a comprehensive plan-a two-phase strategy. The first phase was completed during our first term, and we’ve brought together the same team of technocrats and bureaucrats who developed the roadmap in 2019 to guide us through to 2027. This team is headed by Professor (Idris) Bugaje, a well-known figure in northern Nigeria and beyond.
Our approach is holistic; examining everything from financing to project feasibility. Baseline studies in all sectors were conducted, and our actions are driven by that data. We’ve made considerable progress.
Moving forward, we plan to focus on services, particularly in education and healthcare. We’ve already laid the groundwork by building primary schools and repairing damaged roofs in schools across all local governments. In healthcare, we’ve established primary health centres in every ward of the state.
The next phase is to enhance services by building human capital, as we face a shortage of teachers and healthcare workers, largely due to the situation we inherited. In healthcare, we have hospitals, but we lack sufficient equipment and manpower.
Regarding urban renewal, you can see the progress we’re making. We’ve built several roads that have given a more metropolitan outlook to major cities such as Bauchi, Azare, Misau, Jama’are, and Ningi. We are currently working to ensure that people can enjoy a better quality of life, similar to what they see elsewhere. That’s why we’re constructing flyovers in Bauchi and major highways in these areas.
These are just a few of the things we aim to accomplish before the end of our tenure. We have a financial plan in place to ensure these projects are completed.
Additionally, we are restructuring the civil service to ensure salary integrity. Our salary structure will be secured against issues like ghost workers by being tied to a reliable nominal roll. We are close to achieving this goal.
People might wonder, how cost-effective are these projects?
The cost-effectiveness of governance, infrastructure, and services cannot always be measured in direct financial terms. Some services are simply provided for the benefit of the people, without any expectation of profit. However, these projects bring significant cost benefits, particularly in boosting our (gross domestic product) GDP.
In Bauchi, you can see the general satisfaction among the people, regardless of politics. People respect the government because we are governing with justice and equity, including previously marginalised groups.
Even in transportation, though we haven’t made major moves yet, we are starting where it suits us. While some areas need CNG buses, what works best here are smaller buses and tricycles (Keke NAPEP) to reach more remote areas.
We know our place; we are not trying to compete with Kaduna, Abuja or Lagos. Instead, we are focusing on providing essential services that generate economic activity, which helps raise our GDP and increase IGR. Our IGR has already grown from N300 million monthly to about N1.5 billion, which we are using to fund these services.
You initiated some educational reforms in 2020. Are these reforms continuing, and where do you want to take Bauchi?
Yes, we have continued our reforms in education. Initially, we reviewed policies that weren’t working well, such as the boarding policy, and we made adjustments. For instance, we had deboarded some schools and separated male and female students. But we found that this has limited the necessary interactions and overall learning environment.
Under one of our previous commissioners, we introduced innovative policies, including the use of ICT. This has helped us monitor school attendance, food supply chains, and overall efficiency in the system. As a result, students now receive proper meals, and contractors are held accountable. Our enrolment rates have significantly improved, and our educational outcomes have risen from a 33–40% pass rate in national exams to around 83–90%.
We have made significant progress in mopping up out-of-school children. Since coming into office, we’ve built over 5,000 classrooms, and through partnerships with (the Universal Basic Education Commission) UBEC, (the United Nations Children’s Fund) UNICEF, and other agencies, we’ve reduced the number of out-of-school children from 1.5 million to about 800,000. It’s an ongoing effort, but we are seeing positive results.
However, our biggest challenge is still human capital. While we have built classrooms, teachers are scarce, often leaving for better-paid farm work. We need to employ, train and fairly compensate teachers, which is a daunting task. We are also involving traditional institutions, like the emirs, to encourage school attendance.
When I was growing up, school attendance was enforced. Today, despite building and renovating schools, some are still empty. We must enforce enrolment-it can no longer be voluntary.
And you hope to achieve these educational goals before leaving office?
Yes; we have already laid the foundational infrastructure. But there are still challenges such as cases where people remove windows and roofs from new schools. We are now holding local authorities such as village and district heads accountable to maintain these schools.
We have a timeline and plan to recruit the required number of teachers and address similar challenges in healthcare. We are also partnering with the federal government and the World Bank through the (Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment) AGILE programme, which will bring in over N70 billion. This will help renovate dilapidated secondary schools.
We are confident that with the financial resources and strategies in place, we will achieve our goals within a short timeframe.
Human capital development efforts can be difficult to visibly measure, unlike infrastructure projects. Aside education, are there other sectors you have made some impacts?
In the health sector, when we assumed office, Bauchi had only 40 doctors. We’ve since recruited 100 more. However, there’s a lack of enthusiasm due to poor salary structures and service schemes, especially compared to other states or places like Abuja, Dubai or England. Despite producing many doctors, most of them leave even though they’re bonded. We need to revisit our health sector welfare system.
We’ve built housing alongside secondary health facilities to address this issue. At our Bauchi Specialist Hospital, we’re planning a major renovation, including borrowing N26 billion to equip and rebuild the facility, which was initially poorly designed. We’re also introducing housemanship there to retain talent in the health sector.
Recently, I visited Michigan, United States where the World Health League offers free hospital equipment to states. We’re expecting 10 containers for our secondary health facilities. We’ll only pay 20% for haulage and facilitation, which is a significant benefit.
As for education, we’re focusing on using our polytechnics and colleges of education to recruit secondary school leavers and (National Certificate in Education) NCE graduates, training and bonding them for retention. However, we’ve delayed until we can clear the ghost workers on our payroll. It’s astonishing that Bauchi is paying more in salaries than larger states like Kaduna and Kano-up to N6–7 billion monthly.
We’ve implemented biometric technology to tackle this issue. Once we remove ghost workers, we’ll create vacancies and employ 5,000–6,000 officers across various levels. This will help reduce unemployment in the state.
Regarding your other foreign trips to attract investors, what tangible benefits has Bauchi gained?
I haven’t travelled extensively for foreign investments because the global situation isn’t favourable. In the (Federal Capital Territory) FCT (as minister), we were able to attract billions of dollars because the climate was right. Today, many multinationals are shutting down, making foreign investment difficult.
That said, we’ve had commitments from Dubai for Yankari and other projects. The security improvements in Bauchi have attracted smaller programmes. For example, some investors visited Yankari, but we found they had security concerns, which we’re addressing.
We’re also focusing on brownfield investment opportunities, such as Zaranda and the fertiliser blending plant. Our privatisation agency is working to bring credible local investors. I’m more interested in leveraging local opportunities than foreign investments because domestic investors are often more reliable.
One significant achievement is the establishment of a cement factory by indigenous investors. Dr. Waziri, a Sokoto native, is investing $2 billion in this project, and we’ve already signed agreements. Chinese developers are involved, and licences have been transferred. We expect to complete the groundbreaking before the end of my tenure.
We’ve also signed agreements with Chinese investors for solid minerals development, including coal. These projects are progressing well, and we’ll ensure Bauchi has a significant stake in the investments.
Regarding oil and gas development, we’re disappointed with the lack of progress under President Tinubu, as we had hoped he would continue the work started by Buhari (on the Kolmani oil field). Unfortunately, nothing substantial has been done yet.
Do you think President Tinubu is backtracking on the Kolmani oil and gas development?
Yes, it seems so. Nothing is happening, which is unfortunate. You can ask my colleague, the Governor of Gombe. We expected to see much more activity around oil and gas development by now-power generation, refining and other infrastructure. But it appears it won’t happen in our time.
What steps have you taken or plan to take to enhance agricultural development?
Our goal is to foster development both within the country and beyond, and we are making progress. Today, we are considered the food basket of Northern Nigeria. Without our contributions, states like Kaduna, Sokoto and Zamfara would struggle to feed themselves.
We ensure that agriculture is secure; farmers can work without fear. If anyone threatens a farmer, they are accountable to me, as I’ve collaborated with security agencies, emirs, district heads, village heads, and even the military and police to enhance security.
At the onset of this rainy season, I granted holidays to civil servants from Levels 1 to 12 to encourage farming and provided them with fertilisers from our operational blending factory. We have sufficiently subsidised fertiliser and made same available for farmers.
Moreover, I own over 10,000 hectares of land and I am seeking investors to collaborate on agricultural initiatives, as civil servants are permitted to engage in this business. If you visit my (personal) farm, you’ll see it first-hand. Many civil servants, including my commissioners have established rice mills.
We are also implementing policies to help smallholder farmers to access farm inputs and produce. We’re renovating and purchasing more tractors for farming services. We aim to encourage farmers to own their equipment.
We’re also attracting investors for our meat factory. Additionally, we are involved in federal government programmes to enhance animal husbandry.
Through the African Development Bank’s collaboration with federal and state governments, we’ve identified agricultural development areas in each senatorial district. Our goal is self-sufficiency in food production. We are renovating our silos to store produce after harvest, ensuring it is available and affordable for the community when it becomes scarce.
When you came into office in 2019, your younger brother, Hon. Yakubu Dogara, supported you enthusiastically. At some point, you parted ways. Although there were reconciliation attempts, it seems you’re still not working closely together. Why is it so?
It’s not just Dogara. He’s no longer in my party, and I don’t focus on discussing Bauchi citizens who choose to oppose me. I’m an opposition leader myself, so they are free to challenge me.
Dogara and I have a significant gap between us now. He was a legislator, and we come from the same senatorial zone and were once close. However, he didn’t only oppose me-he also had issues with previous governors, just like me. I don’t talk much about him because I believe my actions will be judged by posterity. Opposition from figures like Dogara pushes me to be more productive and helps reduce interference in governance.
I wish him well. He can continue his opposition, and I’ll continue with my work.
You mentioned not wanting to discuss others, but what about Senator Shehu Buba Umar, who also seems to be at odds with you?
I made him a local government caretaker chairman during my first term in office; and that’s all I can say about him too.
Since 1999, all Bauchi governors have come from Bauchi South. When do you think other parts of the state will get a chance?
This is due to the political and demographic configuration of Bauchi. I’ve considered it, and we’ll see, by God’s grace, if someone from the North or Central can emerge. But it doesn’t depend on me-it’s about electoral strategy and what wins elections. But my constituency is the entire state.
Mu’azu tried fielding someone from North Central, and he lost. Yuguda did the same thing with my current deputy as a gubernatorial candidate, and he lost as well.
In some states, like Benue, it’s understood that only one group, the Tivs, form the government. In Borno, it’s always Northern Borno. It’s not just Bauchi. We’ll see if rotation of leadership positions happens here. But for now, I appreciate the respect and love I receive across the state.
What do you want the people of Bauchi to remember you for after you leave office in 2027?
There’s a difference between landmarks and legacies. Landmarks are physical things, like the Government House, the local government and state secretariats, and the palaces and district heads’ offices we’ve built. There’s also the oil and gas academy we’re constructing for N6 billion, which will train skilled workers for the industry. Major roads like the airport road and our urban renewal projects, including an overhead bridge, are also landmarks.
Legacies, however, are more expansive. My legacy is in urban renewal, where every major emirate must have good roads, electricity and water. We’ve completed over 15 roads in Bauchi, helping to modernise the state and improve the quality of life in the metropolis.
At the rural level, we’ve been recognised as the most respected state in Nigeria for rural development. We’ve built over 1,500 roads, schools, and hospitals-every district has a secondary hospital, which we’re furnishing to stop rural-urban migration and improve security.
In education, we’ve raised our pass rates to 83%, and Bauchi students are now competing nationally and internationally.
In governance, I want to leave behind a system of inclusiveness, justice and equity. Our payroll and nominal roll must have integrity, and we aim to reduce waste and do more with less.
I want to change mindsets, bringing religious bodies, the political class, traditional institutions, and the youth together, so that Bauchi embarks on a path of self-development and self-sustenance. We’re creating an environment for investors, like the cement factory, to raise our GDP and improve the quality of life for all Bauchi citizens.
